Fresh Air

When embattled Palestinian Authority (PA) Chairman Mahmoud Abbas announced that the PA would restructure its ‘pay-to-slay’ policy – its system of financially rewarding imprisoned terrorists, or the families of terrorists killed – in late January, the news was met with a mix of cautious optimism and scepticism.

The change was presumably meant to reduce pressure from the United States, which has legislation punishing the PA over its long-standing “pay-for-slay” policies. This became even more of a priority with the inauguration of the less-friendly Trump Administration in Washington.

According to the PA, the new funding system would be overseen by the Palestinian National Economic Empowerment Institution, which would dispense funds based only on financial need and social welfare criteria, “without regard to political affiliations or past actions.”

Previously, money for prisoners and the families of terrorists was being dispersed by the PA’s Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs and the Foundation for the Care of Martyrs and Wounded Families. While the PA has long claimed to Western audiences that these payments are simply a form of welfare for needy families, this is manifestly untrue. The family of a Palestinian in jail for 30 years for terrorism receives around 12,000 shekels a month (around A$5,250). Meanwhile, the highest PA welfare payments to Palestinian families based purely on need are 600 shekels a month (A$260).

Disappointingly, many headlines and articles about the PA’s so-called change to its ‘pay-to-slay’ program concealed the truth about how the payments directly rewarded terrorism.  Examples include this Reuters headline, “Palestinian president scraps prisoner payment system criticised by US,” and in the New York Times, “In Overture to Trump, Palestinian Leader Mahmoud Abbas Ends Payments for Prisoners.”

Moreover, it wasn’t long before PA officials began making statements implying that the change was purely window-dressing designed to deliberately deceive the West, with the old payments to continue unchanged under the new arrangements.

Just a few days after the initial announcement, Abbas told the Fatah Revolutionary Council, “If we have only a single penny left, it will go to the prisoners and the martyrs. I will not allow [anyone] – and neither will you – to remove any commitment, interest, or penny that is given to them. They must receive everything they did in the past, and they are more honourable than all of us.”

“I would like to reiterate that we are proud of the sacrifices of the martyrs, the prisoners, and the wounded,” he added.

This was reinforced when Amer Issa, a Fatah official in the Syrian branch, told Awda TV on February 20 that the new policy was simply a mechanism to avoid pressure from the United States, Europe, and Sunni Arab world to cease “pay-for-slay”.

“There is a very important issue that sparked controversy  [the claim] that the Palestinian leadership stopped the payments to the families of the martyrs, the prisoners, and the wounded. This is an evasion attempt by our leaders like it has done in the past,” he said.

The PA spends about US$300 million annually on its ‘pay-to-slay’ payments to “heroic martyrs,” about 2.8% of its annual budget.

Out of the 734 terrorists that were released from Israeli prison in exchange for some 28 Israeli and five Thai hostages in January and February this year, 316 had become “instant millionaires” – having received more than NIS1,000,000 as a result of pay-for-slay payments while in prison. Terrorist Youssef Hamdan was paid ₪1,116,400, Nasr Daoud was paid ₪1,084,700, and Othman Abu-Khoroui had received ₪1,116,400.

The ‘pay-for-slay’ program was created in 2004 under the Amended Palestinian Prisoners Law No. 19, and pays a monthly salary to Palestinian and Israeli-Arab terrorists – or their families if the terrorists died during the attack or were subsequently killed by Israeli forces.

The 2004 law says its purpose is to support anyone who was jailed by Israel for “participating in the struggle against the occupation” and that anyone who does so is “an integral part of the fabric of the Arab Palestinian society.”

Male terrorists convicted in Israeli courts and jailed for at least five years, and female terrorists convicted and jailed for at least two years, are entitled to life-long monthly salaries, plus they are eligible for bonuses including money for school and university tuition, and health insurance. In addition, they are given priority for jobs in the civil service and PA security forces following their release from prison.

The longer the sentence of a terrorist – which in turn is based on the heinousness of the acts they committed – the more money the terrorist is paid every month. The amount paid was increased in 2017 to link it to the cost-of-living index.

Unemployment in the Palestinian-controlled parts of the West Bank has long been high, between 12.9% and 32%, so the prospect of being paid a high monthly salary, plus having education and insurance paid for, and being virtually guaranteed a well-paying job when released from prison, is attractive.

There are also other motivations for Palestinians to commit terror attacks, namely cultural prestige. Many terrorists have been commemorated by having their names and likenesses painted on the security barrier in Bethlehem, or even have had a street, public square or school named after them.

‘Pay-to-slay’ also keeps the focus of angry and frustrated Palestinians in the West Bank on Israel, rather than on the PA, which is steeped in corruption and incompetence, and has long been deeply unpopular.

Realistically, the PA would probably have a great deal of trouble stopping ‘pay-for-slay,’ even if it wanted to because it has conditioned West Bank residents to it, and stopping it would likely lead to a violent backlash against the PA. It would also boost the popularity of Hamas among West Bank residents; Hamas has long eyed taking over the West Bank, just like it did in Gaza in 2007 following a bloody coup.

Following the horrific October 7 terror attacks, support for Hamas in the West Bank soared, which would have further motivated Abbas and the PA to find ways to convince its residents that it too backs “resistance”.

At the moment, evidence suggests “pay-for-slay” payments are likely to continue unchanged, despite Abbas’ announcement. Any of the numerous nations concerned about the PA’s long tradition of providing financial incentives to its people for committing terrorism – as Australia has been – should thoroughly scrutinise how these changes are being implemented before even considering providing funding to the PA.